HABITAT
| ECONOMY
| CLASSIFICATION
| SOCIETY
& KINSHIP | MARRIAGE
RELIGION
| CRISIS
RITES | RITUALS
| BELIEF
IN THE SUPERNATURAL NORMS
& CUSTOMS
In India there is an amalgam of 437 tribes, and in Orissa the number is
sixty two. According to 1991 Census, in Orissa the total strength of tribal
population is approximately seven million which constitutes 22.21% of the
total population of the State.
Linguistically the tribes of India are broadly classified into four
categories, namely (1) Indo-Aryan speakers, (2) Dravidian speakers, (3)
Tibeto-Burmese speakers, and (4) Austric speakers. ln Orissa the speakers of
the Tibeto-Burmese language family are absent, and therefore Orissan tribes
belong to other three language families. The Indo-Aryan language family in
Orissa includes Dhelki-Oriya, Matia, Haleba, Jharia, Saunti, Laria and Oriya
(spoken by Bathudi and the acculturated sections of Bhuyans, Juang, Kondh,
Savara, Raj Gond etc.). The Austric language family includes eighteen tribal
languages namely, Birija, Parenga, Kisan, Bhumiji, Koda, Mahili Bhumiji,
Mirdha-Kharia, Ollar Gadaba, Juang, Bondo, Didayee, Karmali, Kharia, Munda,
Ho, Mundari and Savara. And within the Dravidian language family there are
nine languages in Orissa, namely, Pengo, Gondi, Kisan, Konda, Koya. Parji,
Kui, Kuvi and Kurukh or Oraon.
The tribes of Orissa though belong to three linguistic divisions, yet they
have lots of socio-cultural similarities between them. These commonalities
signify homogeneity of their cultures and together they characterise the
notion or concept of tribalism. Tribal societies share certain common
characteristics and by these they are distinguished from complex or advanced
societies. In India tribal societies had apparently been outside the main
historical current of the development of Indian civilization for centuries.
Hence tribal societies manifest such cultural features which signify a
primitive level in socio-cultural parameter.
Habitat: A major portion of the tribal
habitat is hilly and forested. Tribal villages are generally found in areas
away from the alluvial plains close to rivers. Most villages are uniethnic in
composition, and smaller in size. Villages are often riot planned at all.
Economy: Tribal economy is characterised
as subsistence oriented. The subsistence economy is based mainly on
collecting, hunting and fishing (e.g., the Birhor, Hill Kharia), or a
combination of hunting and collecting with shifting cultivation (e.g., the
Juang,, Hill Bhuyan, Lanjia Saora, Kondh etc.) Even the so-called plough
using agricultural tribes do often, wherever scope is available, supplement
their economy with hunting and collecting. Subsistence economy is
characterised by simple technology, simple division of labour, small-scale
units of production and no investment of capital. The social unit of
production, distribution and consumption is limited to the family and
lineage. Subsistence economy is imposed by circumstances which are beyond the
control of human beings, poverty of the physical environment, ignorance
of efficient technique of exploiting natural resources and lack of capital
for investment. It also implies existence of barter and lack of trade.
Considering the general features of their (i)
eco-system, (ii) traditional economy, (iii) supernatural beliefs and
practices, and (iv) recent "impacts of modernization", the tribes
of Orissa can be classified into six types, such as: (1)
Hunting, collecting and gathering type, (2) Cattle-herder type, (3) Simple
artisan type, (4) Hill and shifting cultivation type, (5) Settled agriculture
type and (6) Industrial urban worker type.
Each type has a distinct style of life which could be best understood in the
paradigm of nature, man and spirit complex, that is, on the basis of
relationship with nature, fellow men and the supernatural.
(1) Tribes of the first type, namely Kharia, Mankidi,
Mankidia and Birhor, live in the forests of Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and
Sundargarh districts, exclusively depend on forest resources for their
livelihood by practising hunting, gathering and collecting. They live in tiny
temporary huts made out of the materials found in the forest. Under
constraints of their economic pursuit they live in isolated small bands or
groups. With their primitive technology, limited skill and unflinching
traditional and ritual practices, their entire style of life revolves round
forest. Their world view is fully in consonance with the forest eco-system.
The population of such tribes in Orissa though is small, yet their impact on
the ever-depleting forest resources is very significant. Socio-politically
they have remained inarticulate and therefore have remained in a relatively
more primitive stage, and neglected too.
(2) The Koya which belongs to the Dravidian linguistic
group, is the lone pastoral and cattle-breeder tribal community in Orissa.
This tribe which inhabits the Malkangiri District has been facing crisis for
lack of pasture.
(3) In Orissa Mahali and Kol-Lohara practise crafts
like basketry and black-smithy respectively. The Loharas with their
traditional skill and primitive tools manufacture iron and wooden tools for
other neighbouring tribes and thereby eke out their existence. Similarly the
Mahalis earn their living by making baskets for other communities. Both the
tribes are now confronted with the problem of scarcity of raw
materials. And further they are not able to compete with others, especially
in the tribal markets where goods of other communities come for sale, because
of their primitive technology.
(4) The tribes that practise hill and shifting
cultivation are many. In northern Orissa the Juang and Bhuyan, and in
southern Orissa the Kondh, Saora, Koya, Parenga, Didayi, Dharua and Bondo
practise shifting cultivation. They supplement their economy by foodgathering
and hunting as production in shifting cultivation is low. Shifting
cultivation is essentially a regulated sequence of procedure designed to open
up and bring under cultivation patches of forest lands, usually on hill
slopes.
In shifting cultivation the practitioners follow a pattern of cycle of activities
which are as follows: (i) Selection of a patch of hill slope or forest land
and distribution or allotment of the same to intended practitioners (ii)
Worshipping of concerned deities and making of sacrifices, (iii) Cutting of
trees, bushes, ferns etc., existing on the land before summer months, (iv)
Pilling up of logs, bushes and ferns on the land, (v) Burning of the withered
logs, ferns and shrubs etc. to ashes on a suitable day, (vi) Cleaning of the
patch of land before the on-set of monsoon and spreading of the ashes evenly
on the land after a shower or two, (vii) Hoeing and showing of seeds with
regular commencement of monsoon rains, (viii) Crude bunding and weeding
activities follow after sprouting of seeds, (ix) Watching and protecting the
crops, (x) Harvesting and collecting crops, (xi) Threshing and storing of
corns, grains etc., and (xii) Merry-making. In these operations all the
members of the family are involved in some way or the other. Work is
distributed among the family members according to the ability of individual
members. However, the head of the family assumes all the responsibilities in
the practice and operation of shifting cultivation. The adult males, between
18 and 60 years of age under-take the strenuous work of cutting tree, ploughing
and hoeing, and watching of the crops at night where as cutting the bushes
and shrubs, cleaning of seeds for sowing and weeding are done by women.
Shifting cultivation is not only an
economic pursuit of some tribal communities, but it accounts for their total
way of life. Their social structure, economy, political organization and
religion are all accountable to the practice of shifting cultivation.
In the past, land in the tribal areas had not been surveyed and settled.
Therefore, the tribals freely practised shifting cultivation in their
respective habitats assuming that land, forest, water and other natural
resources belonged to them. The pernicious, yet unavoidable practise of
shifting cultivation continues unchecked and all attempts made to wean away
the tribals from shifting cultivation have so far failed. The colonization
scheme of the State Government has failed in spirit.
In certain hilly areas terraces are constructed along the slopes. It is
believed to be a step towards settled agriculture. Terrace cultivation is
practised by the Saora, Kondh and Gadaba. The terraces are built on the
slopes of hill with water streams.
(5) Several large tribes, such as, Santal, Munda, Ho,
Bhumij, Oraon, Gond, Mirdha, Savara etc. are settled agriculturists, though
they supplement their economy with hunting, gathering and collecting. Tribal
agriculture in Orissa is characterised by unproductive and uneconomic
holdings, land alienation indebtedness, lack of irrigation facilities in the
undulating terrains, lack of easy or soft credit facilities as well as use of
traditional skill and primitive implements. In general, they raise only one
crop during the monsoon, and therefore have to supplement their economy by
other types of subsidiary economic activities.
Tribal communities practising settled agriculture also suffer from further
problems, viz: (i) want of record of right for land under occupation, (ii)
land alienation (iii) problems of indebtedness, (iv) lack of power for
irrigation (v) absence of adequate roads and transport, (vi) seasonal
migration to other places for wage-earning and (vii) lack of education and
adequate scope for modernization.
(6) Sizable agglomeration of tribal population in Orissa has
moved to mining, industrial and urban areas for earning a secured living
through wage-labour. During the past three decades the process of industrial
urbanization in the tribal belt of Orissa has been accelerated through the
operation of mines and establishment of industries. Mostly persons from
advanced tribal communities, such as Santal, Munda, Ho, Oraon, Kisan,
Gond etc. have taken to this economic pursuit in order to relieve pressure
from their limited land and other resources.
In some instances industrialization and mining operations have led to uprooting
of tribal villages, and the displaced became industrial nomads. They lost
their traditional occupation, agricultural land, houses and other immovable
assets. They became unemployed and faced unfair competition with others in
the labour market, Their aspiration - gradually escalated, although they
invariably failed to achieve what they aspired for. Thus the net result was
frustration.
The overall kinship system
of the tribes may be label led as tempered classificatory. In terminology the
emphasis lies on the unilinear principle, generation and age. Descent and
inheritance are patrilineal and authority is patripotestal among all the
tribal communities of Orissa.
Among the tribes there is very little specialization of social roles, with
the exception of role differentiation in terms of kinship and sex and some
specialization in crafts, the only other role specializations are Head-man,
Priest, Shaman and the Haruspex.
There is very little rigid stratification in society. The tendency towards
stratification is gaining momentum among several settled agricultural tribes
under the impact of modernisation. The tribes of Orissa are at different
levels of socio-economic development.
The position of priest, village headman and the inter-village head-man are
hereditary. The village headman is invariably from original settlers' clan of
the village, which is obviously dominant. Punishments or corrective measures
are proportional to the gravity of the breach of set norms or crime, and the
punishments range from simple oral admonition to other measures, such as
corporal punishments, imposition of fines, payment of compensation,
observance of prophylactic rites and excommunication from the community.
Truth of an incident is determined by oath, ordeals and occult mechanism.
As regards the acquisition of brides for marriage,
the most widely prevalent practice among the tribes of Orissa is through
"capture", although other practices, such as, elopement, purchase,
service and negotiation are also there. With the passage of time negotiated
type of marriage, which is considered prestigious, is being preferred more
and more. Payment of bride-price is an inseparable part of tribal marriage,
but this has changed to the system of dowry among the educated sections.
The religion of the Orissan tribes is
an admixture of animism, animalism, nature-worship, fetishism, shamanism,
anthropomorphism and ancestor worship. Religious beliefs and practices aim at
ensuring personal security and happiness as well as community well-being and
group solidarity. Their religious performances include life-crisis rites,
cyclic community rites, ancestor and totemic rites and observance of taboos.
Besides these, the tribals also resort to various types of occult practices.
In order to tide over either a personal or a group crisis the tribals begin
with occult practices, and if it does not yield any result the next recourse
is supplication of the supernatural force.
Crisis Rites: As most of the
tribes of Orissa, practise agriculture in some form or the other, and as rest
others have a vital stake in agriculture, sowing, planting, first-fruit
eating and harvest rites are common amongst them. Their common cyclic rites
revolve round the pragmatic problems of ensuring a stable economic condition,
recuperation of the declining fertility of soil, protection of crops from
damage, human and live-stock welfare, safety against predatory animals and
venomous reptiles and to insure a good yield of annual and perennial crops.
The annual cycle of rituals commence
right from the initiation of agricultural operation, for instance, among the
Juang, Bhuyan, Kondh, Saora, Gadaba, Jharia, Didayee, Koya and Bondo, who
practise shifting cultivation. The annual cycle begins with the first
clearing of hill slopes during the Hindu month of Chaitra (March-April) and
among others it starts with the first-fruit eating ceremony of mango in the
month of Baisakh (April-May). All the rituals centering agricultural
operation, first-fruit eating, human, live-stock and crop welfare are observed
by the members of a village on a common date which is fixed by the village
head-man in consultation with the village priest.
Thus the ideological system of all the tribes surrounds supernaturalism. The
pantheon in most cases consists of the Sun God, the Mother Earth and a lower
hierarchy of Gods. Besides there are village tutelaries, nature spirits,
presiding deities and ancestor-spirits, who are also propitiated and offered
sacrifices. Gods and spirits are classified into benevolent and malevolent categories.
A peculiarity of the tribal mode of worship is the offering of blood of an
animal or a bird, because such propitiations and observance of rites are
explicitly directed towards happiness and security in this world, abundance
of crops, live-stock, plants and progenies. Sickness is not natural to a
tribal, it is considered as an out-come of the machination of some evil
spirits or indignation of ancestor spirits or gods. Sometimes, sickness is
also considered as the consequence of certain lapses on the part of an
individual or group. Therefore, riddance must be sought through propitiation
and observance of rituals.
Among all the tribes conformity to customs
and norms and social integration continue to be achieved through
their traditional political organizations. The tributary institutions of
social control, such as family, kinship and public opinion continue to
fulfill central social control functions. The relevance of tribal political
organization in the context of economic development and social change
continues to be there undiminished. Modern elites in tribal societies elicit
scant respect and have very little followings. And as the traditional leaders
continue to wield influence over their fellow tribesmen, it is worth-while to
take them into confidence in the context of economic development and social
change.
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